1972 riots: Was it a language issue?
Author | Sibte Hasan |
---|---|
Category | Language & Politics |
Published On | 23/09/2015 |
Publisher | http://herald.dawn.com/news/1153263 |
Uploaded On | 02/03/2023 |
Downloads | 113 |
Book Price | 0 |
Now that peace has been restored and
sanity is returning to the frenzied people, it is time to coolly ponder over
the main causes of mutual hatred and suspicion between the Sindhi and Urdu
speaking groups in Sind.
It would be naïve to think that the
amicable settlement of the language issue will be itself remove all the
barriers that have been raised by the interested parties between the old and
new Sindhi population. The controversy over the Language Bill is the symptom of
a deeper malady and part of a large socio-economic conflict which has arisen on
account of the new ethnological pattern of Sind. Unless serious efforts are
made to resolve this basic conflict it might endanger the unity and solidarity
of the entire country.
Let us examine its cause in their
historical perspective:
Prior to partition, the population
of Sind happened to be a composite ethnical unit. An overwhelming majority of
the people were Muslims. Their main occupation was agriculture. Most of the
land was owned by big landlords, pirs and waderas and cultivated by the haris
whose life of privation and misery is too well known to be described here.
Literacy among the Muslims was negligible and there was a very small educated
Muslim middle class consisting of traders and lawyers. They were mostly
concentrated in Karachi.
The urban economy was controlled by
the Hindus, although they formed a very tiny minority in the province. They
were money lenders, traders and businessmen. Whatever industries there were
also belonged to the Hindus. Most of the medical practitioners, engineers,
college teachers and lawyers too were Hindus. They dominated the political and
cultural life in the major cities.
When the Hindus left the country
after partition, the vacuum was filled by the Muslim refugees from U.P., C.P.,
Bihar, Rajisthan, Kathiawar and Gujrat. Karachi became the capital of Pakistan
and its population soon swelled from three lacs to more than a
million-and-a-half. Most of the buildings belonging to the Government of Sind
were acquired to accommodate the offices of the Central Government and its
staff which mostly came from the Punjab, C.P. and U.P.
If any evidence was required to
prove that the language controversy is essentially a socio-economic phenomenon,
it was provided by the agitators themselves. While the early slogans were quite
innocuous “Urdu Sindhi Saath Saath”—the mood changed as the agitation gained
momentum. Soon the formality of tying Urdu with Sindhi was discarded and the
call was confined to “Urdu only”.
The local Sindhis residing mostly
down-town in the metropolis warmly welcomed the mohajirs and assisted them in
occupying the houses and shops evacuated by the Hindus. The same thing happened
in other major towns of Sind, with the result that today the new Sindhis form a
majority in Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur, Mirpurkhas, Khairpur, Nawabshah and
Tando Adam. In Larkana they constitute about half the population. The old
Sindhis are in a majority only in Thatta, Sanghar, Dadu and Jacobabad.
The refugees were allotted most of
the evacuee property — land, houses, shops, factories, etc. They also occupied
most of the vacant and newly created posts in the Administration. Thus the
influx of millions of refugees from across the border introduced a new ethnical
element in the body politics of Sind. Their mode of life and cultural
traditions, their language and literature were substantially different from
those of the local people although they all professed the same religion.
But these refugees were not a
monolithic body. Among them were shrewd businessmen, industrialists and traders
from Bombay, Agra, Sawnpur, Ferozabad, etc. They possessed capital or know how
to acquire it. They had talent and business experience. So they were allotted
factories in Hyderabad, Sukkur, Kotri and Khairpur — oil mills, tanning
factories, rice housing mills, biscuit factories, etc. Their capital increased
and today out of ten textile mills in Hyderabad nine belong to non-Sindhis.
Similarly, tanneries belong to the Cawnpore group. Glass bangle factories are
owned by the Ferozabad group and the shoe-making industry is controlled by the
Agra group.
The commercial and industrial growth
of Karachi need not be discussed in detail. We know that all banks, insurance
companies and the vast manufacturing complex at SITE and Landhi-Korangi belongs
to new Sindhis capitalists who came either from Gujrat and Bombay or from the
Punjab. The Urdu speaking population of Karachi is mostly employed in offices,
factories and workshops or is engaged in petty trades. Some of them are also serving
as lawyers, doctors, teachers and engineers. Quite a large number still dwell
in jugis and are yet to be properly rehabilitated.
Most of the Urdu speaking
inhabitants of other major towns in Sind also professionally belong to the same
categories.
LAND
About 40% of the agricultural land
was declared evacuee property in Sind and as such was allotted to the refugee
landlords who mostly live in Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur, etc. and visit their
estates only to realize the rent. Moreover, most of the barrage lands (Sukkur,
Kotri and Guddu) were generously distributed among the retired Army and
civilian officers belonging to the Punjab, Sarhad and Karachi. The local haris
did not get any share in these valuable lands in spite of solemn pledges by the
other fertile lands were allotted on very cheap terms to Gujrati and Punjabi
industrialists for large scale farming. These farms are now serving as a very
good cover for evading income tax on industrial products.
SERVICES
AND EMPLOYMENT
Prior to partition the ratio of the
Muslim staff in services in Sind — both Government and private — was not more
than 5%. The number of Muslim gazetted officers could be counted on one’s
fingers! Most of the top officers in every department were Hindus and when they
left their vacancies were filled by non-Sindhi Muslims.
Before One Unit was formed in 1956,
there used to be a Provincial Assembly and a Provincial Cabinet in Sind. But
both were dominted by Sindhi waderas who, like landlords everywhere, pledged
their loyalty to the ruling class in their own selfish interests. They never
stood for the right of the common man. Moreover, they were always at the mercy
of the autocratic Central Government and the bureaucracy. When One Unit was
formed, even this façade of provincial autonomy was removed. Sind was governed
from Lahore and when Ayub Khan Shifted the capital to Islamabad the Vicious
circle was complete.
But the situation in Sind did not
remain static. A new university was established in Hyderabad in 1951-52. New
colleges and schools were opened in various other towns and soon an educated
middle class of old Sindhis started emerging. This class wanted employment and
its legitimate share in the services. But there was no machinery to provide
them with these facilities. Resentment among the educated unemployed grew.
Meanwhile, a section of small
Sindhi-traders was also aspiring to rub shoulders with the Gujarati and Punjabi
big business. It too wante dits share in lincences, permits and allotments so
generously showered on others in the past. But to their gangrin they found that
they had arrived on the scene too late! They could not compete with the big
sharks.
Thus the resentment felt by the
indigenous population of Sind, especially waderas, traders and middle class
intelligentsia against the new Sindhis can be traced to the following economic
realities:
1.
Allotment
of evacuee property — land, factories, shops, houses, etc. to the refugees;
2.
Allotment
of barrage lands to the retired civilian and non-civilian officers, not
belonging to Sindhi;
3.
Grand
of licences, permits and other facilities to new Sindhis to install new
industries and commercial concerns;
4.
Emergence
of an educated Sindhi middle class which found all avenues to services closed
to it;
5.
The
establishment of non-democratic and unrepresentative governments both at Centre
and in the Province. The Governments never tried to solve any of the problems
facing the Sindhi people.
Herald archives
Some of the grievances, especially
against the Urdu speaking middle class were imaginary, therefore unreasonable.
For instance, if the Urdu speaking intelligentsia occupied most of the posts in
the universities and colleges in Sind, it was because they were the only
qualified people available. Similarly, if the Urdu speaking artisans and
technicians were more skilful in their profession than the local people, it was
not their fault. Or, if the Urdu newspapers, magazines and films or radio
programmes were more popular than their Sindhi counterparts, it was because the
standard of production of the former was higher than that of the latter.
In short, the Urdu speaking new
comers were not in the least responsible for the socio-economic backwardness of
the indigenous population. The causes for this backwardness are to be sought in
most oppressive and decadent feudal system which has been in operation in Sind
for centuries.
The general resentment against the
authorities as well as the new Sindhis was organized by Mr. G. M. Syed and his
supporters. The professed object of the ‘Jeay Sind’ movement was the (i)
abolition of One Unit; (ii) Complete Provincial Autonomy for Sind; and (iii)
the protection and development of the Sindhi language and culture.
The economic and political
implications of this programme were not lost to the new Sindhi landlords,
businessmen and their political henchmen. They had derived all their privileges
and benefits during the Ayub regime which they staunchly supported. Therefore
they did not want any change in the status quo.
It was to preserve this status quo
that the Mohajir-Punjabi-Pathan United Front was formed. This front was
patronized by the rightst elements lead by the Jamaat-i-Islami. It received
full monetary assistance from the businessmen of Hyderabad and Karachi and was
encouraged by the Urdu Press in the cities.
But neither of these two conflicting
groups was strong enough to fight its battle for economic supremacy without the
active cooperation of the lower middle class and the common man. Both of them,
therefore, used every means, fair and foul, to mobilize the people under their
banner and exploited their ethnical differences and cultural and linguistic
sentiments.
The haris and the educated middle
class among the old Sindhis, were told that the new Sindhis, specially the Urdu
speaking ones, were responsible for all their miseries. They were the usurpers
who had deprived the local people of all the fertile lands, lucrative posts and
economic opportunities. If the old Sindhis did not rise against the domination
of the new Sindhis, their ancient culture and language too will soon be wiped
out. The new Sindhis were told that they were the real founders of Pakistan and
custodians of its ideology. If they did not wake up in time the old Sindhis
would destroy their Islamic culture and their language (Urdu) which was the
national language of Pakistan and the symbol of its nationhood.
It is on record that the
bureaucracy, both Sindhi and non-Sindhi encouraged this controversy, sometimes
supporting one ethnical group and sometimes the other.
Slogans were written on the walls
and roads eulogising the “meritorious services of Ayub Khan.” And this happened
of all places in Karachi which had defeated the tyrant, in 1965 election in
spite of his threats to throw the Mohajirs into the Arabian Sea.
However, the country-wide agitation
against the military dictatorship of President Ayub Khan pushed the
Sindhi-non-Sindhi conflict, and the emergence of the People’s Party of Pakistan
as the biggest political force in Sind upset at least for the time being, the
nefarious game played by the reactionary elements.
In spite of the financial assistance
of the business community and full support of Karachi’s entire Press, both Urdu
and English, the Rightists were defeated at the polls in December 1970 but not
routed. Nor was their ideology demolished. As a matter of fact they have
regained their lost ground and regrouped their forces during the last one
year-and-a-half, thanks to the mistake committed by the PPP leadership.
The dependence on bureaucracy to
implement the People’s Government reforms, the failure of its labour and
agrarian policies, the appeasement of big business, the domination of waderas
over party machinery in Sind, the factional intrigues inside, the ministerial
posts, the total disintegration of party organisation and above all, the
shameless acceptance of and compromise with the reactionary ideology of its
defeated foes have created a most suitable climate for the anti-progressive
forces in Sind and Karachi to spread their tentacles. The opportunity has been
provided by the PPP leadership itself in the shape of the Language Bill. It was
an ideal example of doing the right thing at the wrong time!
Why did the PPP leadership push
through this controversial Bill with such indecent haste? What was the urgency
for its enactment at this critical juncture when the government was occupied
with other very serious national problems?
Various arguments have been advanced
in support of the Bill. For instance, it is said that the Sindhi language is as
old as Mohenjo-Daro (which is not correct historically, because the language of
Mohenjo-Dar people was Proto-Dravadian, while that of Sindhi people belongs to
the Indo-Aryan family) that it was neglected by the past rulers of Pakistan,
that it has been pushed aside to accommodate Urdu, that its age-old position
must be restored, that it is the birth-right of every Sindhi to communicate in
his mother tongue and develop it to the highest pinnacle.
The mother tongue of a very big
ethnological minority (almost 30%) happens to be Urdu and this community is as
deeply attached to Urdu as every old Sindhi is attached to Sindhi. Morever,
Urdu has been declared the national language of Pakistan and the provincial
language in the Punjab, NWFP and Baluchistan.
Herald archives
I fully agree with all these
arguments and can advance a few more in favour of the Sindhi language. But —
and it is an important but — the mother tongue of a very big ethnological
minority (almost 30%) happens to be Urdu and this community is as deeply attached
to Urdu as every old Sindhi is attached to Sindhi. Morever, Urdu has been
declared the national language of Pakistan and the provincial language in the
Punjab, NWFP and Baluchistan.
I am sure the authorities were fully
aware of the sentiments of the Urdu speaking people as well as the machinations
of the rightists, elements who were waiting for some excuse to discredit the
PPP Government in Sind. I cannot believe that our efficient Intelligence
Service which provided Mir Rasul Bux Talpur with evidence to prove that the
June agitation of the SITE workers’ was inspired b Russian and Indian agents
was caught unawares in July. Or was it that the administration underestimated
the mobilising capacity of the rightists elements on the basis of linguistic
sentiment? Or was it that the Language Bill was introduced at this inopportune
time to appease the chauvinistic section of the old Sindhi intelligentsia? Or
was it a deliberate attempt to distract the attention of the people from the
basic problems of life, which the PPP is finding hard to solve?
Whatever the motives or lack of
motives a government which claims to be socialist has played into the hands of
anti-socialist elements and given them a new lease of life.
These reactionaries could not
mobilize the masses against the People’s Party Government on the basis of any
political or economic programme. They failed to arouse even against the Simla
Agreement. They also failed to make capital out of the POW issue. But the issue
of language was different.
If any evidence was required to
prove that the language controversy is essentially a socio-economic phenomenon,
it was provided by the agitators themselves. While the early slogans were quite
innocuous “Urdu Sindhi Saath Saath”—the mood changed as the agitation gained
momentum. Soon the formality of tying Urdu with Sindhi was discarded and the
call was confined to “Urdu only”. Then even Urdu was forgotten and the demand
for a separate Province of Karachi was raised. This province was to be
“Mohajiristan.” The rate of the millions of Mohajirs living in the interior of
Sind never bothered these champions of Mohajiristan.
The Sindhi middle class wants
employment and opportunities to fully participate in the industrial, commercial
and business life of the province. So does the new Sindhi middle class.
Therefore, more and more avenues of employment have to be opened to absorb both
the groups. If the loaves are few and the number of hungry persons more,
quarrels are bound to occur.
Voices were also raised asking for
the dismissal of the Governor and Chief Minister of Sind and for additional
seats for the “representatives of Mohajirs” in the Cabinet. Suggestions were
also made that, like the Lebanon, where Christians and Muslims are evenly
balanced, certain key-posts in Sind should be reserved for Mohajirs. As if this
was not enough, slogans were written on the walls and roads eulogising the
“meritorious services of Ayub Khan.” And this happened of all places in Karachi
which had defeated the tyrant, in 1965 election in spite of his threats to
throw the Mohajirs into the Arabian Sea.
An accord has been reached between
the champions of Urdu and Sindhi. We sincerely hope that it satisfies the
legitimate aspirations of both and its implemented in letter and spirit. But
certain drastic measures will have to be taken to remove the socio economic
causes of discord. Fervent appeals are being made in the name of God, in the
name of Islam, in the name of Pakistani Nationhood, to the inhabitants of Sind
to live like brothers and behave like good neighbours. But these appeals will
fall on deaf ears if the roots of unrest and resentment are not permanently
removed.
The Sindhi middle class wants
employment and opportunities to fully participate in the industrial, commercial
and business life of the province. So does the new Sindhi middle class.
Therefore, more and more avenues of employment have to be opened to absorb both
the groups. If the loaves are few and the number of hungry persons more,
quarrels are bound to occur.
The haris want land. They must be
provided with enough land and other facilities so that they can improve their
standard of life and educate their children and liberate themselves from the
domination of waderas, pirs and other parasitical elements. Today these
elements incite the simple minded haris on parochial slogans to grab the lands
of the new Sindhi cultivators lest the haris demand the distribution of the
waderas’ land also.
The conflict between the haris and
the new Sindhi cultivators can be resolved when lands belonging to both the old
and new Sindhi landlords are taken over and equitably distributed among the
peasants — whether new or old. This will also cause a death blow to the feudal
system of Sind.
The administrative machinery should
be thoroughly overhauled and the power of bureaucracy drastically curtailed.
Administration at all levels should be entrusted as far as possible to the
democratically elected representatives of the people.
A Five-Year Plan for the development
of Sind, with special bias towards the interior, should be started immediately
and small Sindhis entrepreneurs be provided with capital, implements and
technical assistance to open industrial and commercial concern in the interior.
All private banks and large scale
industries, including foreign concerns should be properly and fully
nationalised.
The administrative machinery should
be thoroughly overhauled and the power of bureaucracy drastically curtailed.
Administration at all levels should be entrusted as far as possible to the
democratically elected representatives of the people.
Unless these and similar measures
are taken in right earnest conflicts between the two groups are bound to occur
on one pretext or the other. Today language is the bone of contention. Tomorrow
it may be admissions to colleges, or quota in services. We have got to stop
this civil war for good, otherwise the future of Pakistan is very bleak indeed!